The Silent Scream

Sometimes you write, sometimes you bleed.


The Silent Scream

Last night I woke from an awful dream,

with the fading echoes of a hellish scream.

Breathing hard, I was lost – surrounded by the dark,

Like a bleeding mackerel dreading the inevitable shark.

Like blood in the water, emotions raged.

Doubts, fears, demons… refusing to be assuaged.

It has now been hours since that shattered dream,

But I can still hear that silent scream.

An evil beast, it has a will of its own,

It thrives on the fear and grief it has sown.

It gnaws at me and my peace of mind,

Digs up all the worst it can find:

Bittersweet memories held deep in my heart,

it rages as it breaks them apart.

It flits behind my paste-on smiles

Unseen, unnoticed, claws of despair it files.

It shrieks past my mental walls

and echoes down memory halls,

Taints hope, rakes at acceptance,

bloodies my struggling resistance.

Truth, love, nothing is sacred,

it will turn me into a creature of hatred.

Why can I not let it all out?

Tear my voice and heart in one great shout?

It holds me fast, it will not let go,

it will not rest till it lays me low.

But I cannot stop, or bow to its shriek,

I must go on, release I must seek;

So I pick up the shards of that shattered dream,

And still hear in my blood that silent scream.

Peace in a world of noise – Part 1: For the love of driving

PREFACE: In a bid to resume writing, I have decided to do a series of posts on what anyone would call the simplest of topics – the things that bring me peace. These are those few hobbies we all have, that we love to do not because of what they are, but because of how they make us feel. It is my hope that some or all of these activities will resonate with at least some readers, and even if they don’t, these posts might serve as a lens for a deeper look at why people love doing what they do.

If what I write about is something you’re passionate about as well, let me know! And if not, tell me about what YOU love!


One of my earliest memories is of climbing into the back of a bright red Maruti Gypsy (think Rang De Basanti), which had a little mattress placed inside the fully open rear carriage area. I remember feeling the wind in my hair as the car zoomed along, and I looked at the yellow mustard fields of Punjab passing by until I finally fell into the dreamless sleep of a child. I was barely 5 years old then, my parents tell me. My dad’s boss, the son of a Colonel and a rally race enthusiast, had practically forced him that mighty beast of a rally car to take his wife and son on vacation to Shimla after a particularly hard month at work. My parents loved travelling, and my father loved driving, so this was a two-fold bonus for them. Three-fold really, since it was this half-remembered trip that gave birth to my love of cars and travel.

Ten years on, and I wouldn’t stop pestering my father to teach me how to drive. He, and my mother, are very by the book however – there was no debate that I would not be allowed to drive until I at least had a learner’s license, which was still an unbearable two years away. However, perhaps seeing in me the seeds of his own passion for four wheeled transport, he decided that there was no harm in simply teaching me how to drive – under full supervision of course. So, for six Sundays in a row, my father (who worked a 6-day, 70-hour week) would wake me at 7 am on the dot and drive the two of us to the dirt ground next to Jawaharlal Nehru Stadium nearby, where he would put my awestruck and overjoyed self behind the wheel of our little Maruti 800, and proceed to teach me the great and magical art of driving.

Right from the start, I was taught to respect the car, not fear it or dismiss it. That lovingly designed, carefully crafted, precisely assembled piece of machinery was at my beck and call, but as a companion, not as a servant. Take care of the car, said dad, and it will take care of you. It will tell you its capabilities, as well as its aches and pains, and it is upto you to listen. Today, I have driven somewhere over 100,000 km in total. I have driven not only in Delhi, but also through the farms of Punjab and Haryana, across the barren tracts of Rajasthan, through the gorgeous valleys and hills of Himachal, Uttarakhand, Uttaranchal and Jammy, and dad’s advice has always kept me in good stead.

Sitting behind the wheel of my car conveys a sense of freedom that I have rarely felt elsewhere. Stop, go, race, or take it easy – the choice is completely yours. You can go where you like, stop where you will, and that car can be your companion to hitherto unknown destinations. Once inside, you’re no longer as bound by the stamina of the human body. I don’t know how true this is for others, but once I start the car, the rest of the world simply fades away. Driving itself becomes a mechanical and cathartic motion in which all my stray thoughts, errant emotions, internal monologues and the world’s demands for attention are simply washed away. Whether I’m manning a badger-esque old Maruti 800, or in the seat of a sharklike Skoda, what I feel is the same: awe at the sheer power at my command, and unbridled joy at the freedom it brings.

At this point, fellow drivers will surely be thinking “Freedom and driving? Is he mad? What kind of freedom do Delhi’s traffic and roads offer!?” This is a legitimate complaint from anyone who’s driven for even a minute on the roads of the capital (or any major city, for that matter). Indian roads are mostly a nightmare, whether in terms of construction or congestion. I drove 90 kilometers a day for over two years, in my office commute from south Delhi to outer Gurgaon and back. I’ve seen some of the worst this city has to offer, and I’ve driven in worse locales like Ghaziabad as well. As frustrated as some of those days and traffic jams were (I once spent 3 hours in a 3 km stretch), they never managed to reduce even an ounce of my love for driving, and the reason is simple: traffic can slow you down, potholes can roughen the ride, but it’s still your call, your ride. You are still the sovereign of your journey, and that feeling is as direct and liberating as ever.

I’ve been driving for over nine years now, and accumulated hundreds of memories. I remember the ridiculously steep incline, and equally ridiculously beautiful views, as I drove from Dharamshala to McLeodganj. I remember the steady, confident purr of the engine as I once drove dawn to dusk, from Katra in Jammu to Delhi via a four hour stop in Amritsar, a journey 14 hours and 800 kilometers long. I remember the night-time ride from Bangalore to Rasta Cafe, with old friends and new, and the wild journey back with me the only sober person in a car full of drunks.

But most of all, I remember landscapes blurring past, the car humming gently as I swerve in and out of turns and traffic, disconnected from the petty foibles of daily life and inwardly smiling at the conjoined melody of music and metal as I marvel at my own liberation.


 

What brings you peace? What is that one thing that you have always, and will always, love to do? What makes your blood sing? Do let me know!

A Tale from Two Cities – Buda & Pest

Travel, I have come to realize, is nothing but seeing, gathering, and sometimes living stories of lands away from home. Some are sad stories, some are joyful stories, some are miraculous, some run-of-the-mill; but they are all tales of people at once similar to and different from those we have grown up around, living lives that are often so like ours, but not quite.

Once in a while, you run into a story so powerful, so astonishing, that it absolutely deserves to be told. You turn it over in your head, like a Rubik’s cube you’re at the edge of solving but can’t quite get right. It grips you with the tenacity of a bulldog and simply will not let go. These are stories where words are, perhaps, simply not enough to convey the essence of what must be shared. Having run into one such story during my brief stay in Budapest, this is my first attempt at blogging with both photographs and words. I hope I am able to do some justice to it.


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A little over two years ago, the government of Budapest erected this monument quite literally overnight, from 20th to 21st July 2014. The entire square was cordoned off and guarded by the police, while workers labored through the night to set it up. There had been significant protests against the plans for the monument when it was announced earlier. Why, one may ask? The monument depicts an imperial eagle, representing Nazi Germany, swooping down at a statue of Archangel Gabriel, meant to represent Hungary. The problem, as the Jews of Hungary saw it, as the descendants of the Roma saw it, as the homosexuals, or as any decent person saw it, is this – Hungary was a willing ally of the Nazis. From June 1941 till Germany’s defeat at Stalingrad, Hungary was a staunch supporter in all their demonic policies (including the Holocaust, to which Budapest’s Shoes memorial still pays a poignant and haunting tribute). The occupation of Hungary only happened in 1944, after Hungary tried to back out of the alliance in fear of an impending defeat of the Axis powers.

The monument was a blatantly offensive attempt at revising history to make the Hungarian government, and the Hungarian people, look like victims rather than perpetrators. The Jewish community, in particular, protested vehemently, as did the opposition, rights groups, civil society groups, and the like. Vigils, marches, and human chains were organized against Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s government.

But the monument was not taken down. It stood, despite all protests. So the people of Budapest fought back in other ways.

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The barbed wire guarding the monument became the canvas of the protesters. It began to fill up with clippings, photographs, news articles, and memorabilia that showcased the truth of those times- the roundup of Jews, executions, a few extraordinary tales of bravery (like that of Raoul Wallenberg, who saved nearly a 100,000 Jews in Hungary) and more. The people had decided that if the government would not demolish this monument, then they would ensure that the truth would find a voice.

There were attempts to have the site cleared. Multiple times, clearing activities were initiated.

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The mementos would inevitably return, more poignant and in greater numbers. The entire area became a symbol of honesty and compassion for the fallen, and the locus of rage against political machinations. People raised their voices against a government who sought to take control of the national narrative, not too unlike what we see in so many parts of the world today.

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In an era where textbooks are being re-drafted, where all one sees or hears is “us vs them”, where jingoistic nationalism and clickbait patriotism abound, it is impossible to stand in front of this monument and not be humbled. Humbled by the refusal of an entire people to accept the comfort of pretense, and by their bravery in revealing the rawness of their wounds in an effort to keep truth alive.

Budapest is a young democracy, only about 26 years old. They rose from a “gentle” Communism, which was preceded by a Stalin-esque dictatorship following the “liberation” of Hungary. There is, in the words of one of the locals, still a lot wrong with the systems of the country. But these are clearly people who will band together for the good of their nation. Theirs is not the patriotism so vehemently preached by the politicians of today. There is no loud chest-thumping to profess love for the country, no co-opting of institutions in the name of the “greater good”. There is simply a willingness to look at the rawness of history as it was, and to draw the painful but necessary lessons and use them to better their nation. There is compassion and empathy, a sense that both the persecuted and the erstwhile persecutors must now work together to erase the bloody stains of the past and live in harmony. This little square in central Budapest highlights so many lessons that the people of the world need to know today, that have been drowned out by the diatribe of those who would sow fear and discord in an effort to climb the rungs of power.

Feminism and Fear Conditioning

DISCLAIMER: the title is a bit of a clickbait. What I will be talking about is not really fear conditioning. #sorrynotsorry

Before the article starts, I’d like to clarify one thing: I’d like to call myself a feminist. That is, I stand for gender equality, which means women being treated on the same level playing field as men in all aspects, and being uplifted in the many areas where they have for decades (often centuries) been denied or subjugated. Eventual equity among all people, in terms of opportunities available, is what I hope for. Yes, my actions/opinions sometimes may not strictly be feminist, because I am still a product of a largely patriarchal culture in a rather orthodox country, but I try my best. This article airs some of my views, and seeks to further my understanding as well.

This is going to be an incredibly long article, because I have tried to factor in and refer to a lot of the research I have done, and present my argument as completely as possible. I haven’t written in quite some time, aside from some rather unstructured diary entries, so please bear with me in case of a lack of clarity and just point it out, I will try to explain it better. Fair warning: the article also contains some swear words.


Feminism has seemingly become a word sufficient to cause heated debates in recent years. The pro-feminist agenda reached a true fever pitch in India following the tragic Nirbhaya rape case of December 2012. The incident galvanized the government to make women’s safety laws stricter and to ensure their implementation in a far more serious manner than ever before. Fast forward a few years, and many men across the country are feeling the bite of how those same laws can be unfairly used on innocent men with impunity. This ties in with the fractures in the global feminist movement, as can be seen in this somewhat famous Tumblr blog on how far the feminist movement has strayed from its core beliefs. The blog is written by a woman, by the way, and does speak from the Western perspective, but many of the points are surprisingly valid even in our country. For example, The Hindu did a study on rape cases in Delhi, reported in April last year. As you can see in the article, from a data set of nearly 600 cases, 40% of the complainants did not show or turned hostile, while 24% were outright false allegations by parents of consenting couples (the largest category of cases were cases involving consenting couples).

If this were not enough, the post-2012 Criminal Law (Amendment) Act disturbed a lot of men even more. For example, Section 354A labels “making a sexually coloured remark” a cognizable offense under Sexual Harassment. The fines/prison terms were markedly increased (which is valid, of course), but the implementation became almost overzealous. Today, it is almost ludicrously easy for a woman to falsely implicate a man on trumped-up charges and make his life complete and utter hell at almost a whim. Furthermore, no counter exists to such a move in the Indian Penal Code at this point in time. I personally know a man who was falsely accused of demanding dowry by his former wife, who then proceeded to file a FIR and drag a court case for over a year, even going so far as leading raids to his house to seize “her” fortune. As the Dowry Prohibition Act states, burden of proof of claiming the offence has not been committed falls to the respondent. Eventually, there was an out of court settlement done, because the law was technically on her side: the man and his family lost a good third of their life savings at the very least.

Now we come to the kicker, though: men are afraid of these almost Draconian laws, but is there a need for that? Has feminism truly become a veil for misandry, or is it crucial for the development of society and for the still-trounced rights of women?

Only a few days ago, I came across an article about how Barkha Dutt talked about how she was sexually exploited in her childhood. While such a thing is tragic in itself, what disturbed me much more were the comments I saw all over social media regarding this revelation. Thanks to Facebook’s “trending” feature (which is fairly convenient if you want to brush up on major happenings sometimes), I got to see posts and comments by a lot of random people on the incident. Barring a few voices deploring the poor treatment of women in our country, most comments were about how this “anti-national” “whore”, “bitch”, “” was doing a “randi-rona” (not joking, actual term) and trying to garner sympathy – because who on earth would “fuck/rape” an “ugly slut” like her.

Let’s step back and try to analyse this objectively. First, let’s assume Ms Dutt WAS in fact being duplicitous and trying to garner sympathy. Can that ever justify the level of abuse that was meted out? The woman was verbally humiliated and degraded across entire social networks. Even if she was lying, she was just one more of hundreds of people hungry to gather fame, and less depraved than most. And if she was being honest, as I personally feel, then such comments are a truly horrific reminder of the lack of value that society places on the dignity of women. I am leaving aside the nationalistic argument in the issue, though it has major significance, but I will say this: if a nation cannot respect its people, including its women, then we have absolutely no right to be proud of it.

Arguably the most disturbing thing about the entire incident (after the vitriol of the response in itself) was the instant correlation between her appearance and the experience. The notion that physical appearance is associated with the act of rape (whether correlation or causation) is one that tilts dangerously towards victim blaming, taking the focus away from the aggressor’s opportunistic assault on the dignity of another individual and the failure of law enforcement, to the condition of the victim and how it could have “possibly” led to rape; the classic “she was asking for it” stance that defending lawyers like Manohar Lal Sharma of Nirbhaya rape case fame take. This is in stark contrast to multiple studies done on the nature of rape and rapists, such as this older one from the New York Times that reached the result that rapes are MUCH more commonly opportunistic assaults by normal men rather than planned crimes by sexually depraved criminals; that is, these were guys who thought they could get away with it. It had nothing to do with the woman’s appearance.

Now, if one were to read that article in its entirety, one would find that the study reached a multitude of other more disturbing conclusions, notably – “those who admitted having forced sex on women tended to have a hostile, adversarial relationship with women in general. “These men feel they have to be in control of their relationships with women, even in conversation,”” and “these men typically had “an earlier sexual initiation, sometimes forced, and endorsed myths about rape such as the notion that if you know the woman, it’s not rape,””. Clearly, when your sociocultural environment is drilling into you a warped definition of masculinity, or a culture that (often subconsciously) promotes controlling women, then it is a lot more likely to lead to producing rapists. We all know this of course, but the point I am attempting to drive home is that THIS is a perfect example of why we still need feminism.

Feminism is a range of political movements, ideologies, and social movements that share a common goal: to define, establish, and achieve equal political, economic, personal, and social rights for women. This is your basic definition that a simple Google search will yield you, and it is absolutely to the point. Clarity is important – feminism is not misandry. It is about equality and equal opportunity, not superiority of one gender over another. In fact, the arguments of feminism strive to make gender a non-entity in grant of rights to individuals. This is incredibly important, because it also transcends another powerful barrier in the way of equal opportunity: the two gender myth. It gives more power to transgender people, androgynous people, homosexuals, bisexuals, etc. The key idea is the abolition of patriarchy (the male-dominated style of leadership pervading much of the world) in favour of individual ability. And it is without doubt a noble cause.

What a lot of men don’t realize is that patriarchy hurts men almost as much as men. It forces a particular brand of masculinity down our respective throats, and punishes us for not living up to it. Boys don’t cry, emotional men are pussies, a man should earn more than a woman – these are myths that are reinforced by patriarchal social systems and place enormous psychological burdens on the men trapped in these systems. It places even worse on those belonging to the LGBT community or those who simply do not conform to one gender – they do not even have a place at the table, so to speak. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s thoughts on feminism as presented at the World Economic Forum make a powerful argument that is worth considering, and I really could not put it any better. It covers everything from the positive impact of women at corporations to the inherent misogyny that starts from birth.

A common argument heard by those who oppose or are angered by feminist discourse is that if women desire equal opportunity, why do they not simply rise up and take it? After all, men struggle to find their place in life, so why should women expect government assistance, subsidies, dole-outs, reservations and other similar crutches? Pause to consider that the lack of privilege can often feel like repression to those who were formerly privileged. The answer lies before us, though many of us choose to look the other way: women have been denied rights in this country (globally, in fact) for centuries, if not legally then socio-culturally.

The drafting committee of the Indian Constitution during independence was remarkably foresighted and liberal when it came to women’s rights, giving them equal status and voting ability on par with men. And yet, too few people remember that the codification of Hindu personal law almost tore apart the Indian National Congress, due in no small part to how it tried to give a much more equal status to women. This is just an example of society resisting gender parity; the Shah Bano case of the Rajiv Gandhi era is another example, yet far more tragic for the government of the day supporting the regressive side rather than the progressive.

Almost seventy years on, and society remains almost as regressive as it was. Rapes, dowry murders, child marriage, and female feticide aside, there is a marked difference in how society views women versus men. Political leaders either view them as porcelain dolls to be protected, or as immoral seductreses always on the hunt to ensnare men. This percolates into the average household, resulting in often absurd restrictions being placed on the average girl. The Pinjra Tod protest highlights the obscenely sexist rules put in place by university hostels in a city as urbanized and modernized as Delhi; think of the condition in other cities in the country. And the truly sad part? There are millions of men, and even women, across the country who vociferously vouch for and safeguard these brazen attacks on equality.

In light of this, pause and consider: legally, the women of our nation lack for nothing. Yet, they have been repressed for decades. You’d be right if you blamed either implementation of laws or societal attitudes, but the existence of said repression is undeniable. Therefore, does it make sense to expect an entire subset of population that has been systematically, and systemically, denied their rights to just rise up unaided from a position of relative weakness and seize what they are owed by the Constitution itself? In an ideal world, change would come from within the society, as it became more accepting of the changed pace of the world and the parity of genders. But the lack of such change forces the government to account for these societal inequities and implement measures that essentially force-feed equity into the system. It isn’t a perfect solution, or a complete one, but it is better than nothing, especially to those women who are able to benefit from it. Millions, unfortunately, are not.

While this makes a case for subsidies, reservations and other dole-outs, detractors will still point to the biased nature of laws pertaining to women’s safety. While in principle, I agree that many of the laws are overtly biased, I genuinely feel there is perhaps a case for this: I recently had the opportunity to film a documentary in Ahmedabad on why people there simply do not wear helmets. Drivers are extremely rash, and two-wheelers are in abundance, and yet a very small number of people actually use helmets. One of the conclusions we reached was that while they are aware of the benefits of a helmet, they find it inconvenient. The other? That the fine for not wearing a helmet is so low that they are simply not concerned; pay the cop 50 bucks and he’s least bothered.

Ideally, a government should focus on the implementation of its laws. But when the implementation fails, as it so easily can in a country with the population of 1.4 billion, then one option is to turn to extreme punishment for those who are caught. Case in point: the legislation in Delhi on drunken driving. There is no longer a simple fine if you’re caught, you’re just dragged to court (or a lock-up for the night). While the chances of your getting caught remain low, the FEAR that you will be caught curtails the chances of you indulging in the offense in the first place. And I feel that this fear of harsh punishment is exactly what women’s safety laws are banking on. The threat of hanging or life imprisonment may make a man think twice about seizing a rape opportunity; the threat of unquestioned reprisal from the police may halt a dowry-demanding man in his tracks. The very existence of these laws is meant to act as much of a deterrent as their implementation, perhaps more.

Statistical data on the impact of these laws can be viewed here. The increase is mostly in reporting, and a significant increase it is. Conviction, of course, is a slave of the comparatively slow pace of the Indian judicial system. The same article asserts that not much real change has been effected by these laws, but I disagree: the very fact that their existence is causing more cases to come to light is heartening in itself. Even if we are to discount some of them as false, there is still a net increase in reporting. Women are empowered enough to report them, no longer as held back by sociocultural ostracization or a fear of legal protection. And we as a society are becoming aware of just how corrupt our core is, and how much work needs to be done before serious progress is made towards the goal of gender equality.

This is not to say that I support the trampling of the lives of innocent men under a juggernaut labelled “Feminist Cause”. Far from it. If the existence of these laws is necessary, then at least let their frivolous or malicious use be as heavily discouraged. For example, it is unfortunate that the Criminal Amendment Act as linked above specifies Sexual Harassment, Voyeurism, and Stalking as offences only by men against women. But it is equally true that men are as often and as unwillingly on the receiving end of the same offences. The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act is just that: protection of women. Men face domestic violence too, and there are too few forums like the Save Indian Family Foundation that try to address it. In my view, equalizing these laws is the need of the times. In one stroke, it will both give innocent men a legal recourse in case of false accusations, and mollify (or perhaps even convert) many who are on the fence or feeling threatened by feminism. It would not be an unequal, or undemocratic move, though the legal niceties involved are leagues beyond my expertise. It is my hope that such an attempt would improve the framework of society, while not upsetting the scales of justice – rather it would balance them more thoroughly. If there is anything that has a chance to bring more people over to the feminist cause, to curtail abuse of laws in favour of one gender or another, and to unite society in pursuing the goal of gender equality, then it is surely worth attempting.

Bhakt, Sickular and Aadarsh Liberal: loathsome labels and their underlying denigrations

DISCLAIMER: this one is a LOT more opinionated than my first post. You have been warned. That said, I always welcome discussion.

In my previous post on social media and politics, I briefly expressed my concern about this seemingly recent (or recently virulent) habit of labelling others that plagues our society, and how much it infuriates me. This entry is dedicated to the commonly applied labels, the absurdity of their usage, and the inherent fallacies in some of the assumptions behind them. While I admit that often the people being labelled do indeed reflect at least some of the traits that the label implies, rubbing this in their faces just exacerbates the problem.

The problem with labels begins with the fact that not only are they created due to logical fallacies, they promote them as well, creating a self-propagating cycle of stupidity. Labels, as far as I have been able to understand, formed from strawmen arguments and cherry-picking of facts when the denizens of social media used tu quoque rather than debate to parade their arguments and show their support (or opposition) of one political party or another. They have been used and abused with the sole intention of destroying the credibility of the arguer rather than attacking the argument. This, in my opinion, is a singularly damaging exploitation of the privilege of freedom of speech: a tool that our Constitution provides us due to its necessity in nurturing the debate and diversity of opinion that a democracy demands in order to function. It is essentially a “cheap shot” in debating, all the more disturbing for its efficacy; there is something so inherently offensive about being labelled that it generates a near instantaneous and vicious response to reply in kind, and I have seen this occur even with some of the most educated people I know. Inevitably, the discussion devolves into a mudslinging match and any and all thoughtful opinion is lost in the tirades flying back and forth.

I’ll address the more popular labels individually. Let’s start with the more recent favorite: the Bhakt. Applied to BJP supporters, usually by Leftists, Congress supporters, or AAP supporters (yes, painting this generic brush stroke is possibly too generalist an approach, but read enough forums/comments sections on political topics and you can be convinced that it’s a safe enough to work with). Inherent assumptions? That all BJP supporters are hardcore right wingers, entrenched in the dogma of Hindutva, and worship the ground that Narendra Modi walks on. The Leftist uses the term to attack his opponent’s rightist and/or nationalistic views, the Congress supporter attacks the perceived “anti-poor” and/or communal agenda, while the AAP supporter uses the term to assault the blatant hero-worshipping and media hype surrounding the PM (ignoring the irony of his argument). Why is the usage of this term absurd? The obvious reason is that a BJP supporter is not necessarily a Hindutva believer, may not worship the PM, and may not even be as much of a right winger as simply tired of the repeated failures of leftist regimes. As skeptical as I personally may be of our government, I cannot deny that the BJP has undeniably been giving people at least a few reasons to respect its political acumen. I have seen even staunch opponents of the BJP commend certain achievements of the party, and this is EXACTLY as it should be. Laud the achievements as strongly as you criticize the failures, and be equally vocal for both. That is the only way to ensure that political parties evolve to better represent their electorate. Additionally, labelling people as Bhakts just displays an ignorance of internal party schisms within the BJP between the Hindutva hard-liners and the more progressive, development-centric ministers; while it is true that there are plenty of people who favor Hindutva, there are many more who do not and see in the BJP a hope for more rapid growth and development.

The next one, and one I personally hate the most is Sickular. First of all, most people in this country do not even know the correct definition of the term “secular” due to the twisted way in how it was incorporated in the Constitution and how its meaning was laid down by the Supreme Court. I credit my former teacher, Mr. Ankur Jain, for explaining this to me: the word was originally NOT part of the Preamble of the Constitution, and was included by Indira Gandhi during the Emergency. Secularism means that religion should not be a part of the affairs of start or public education. Of course, this is the exact opposite of what happens in India (we have government subsidies for religious pilgrimages and construction, for example), so the Supreme Court in its infinite wisdom reinterpreted the word to mean equal respect for all religions in the Indian context. Now that we have the background down, let’s move to the term itself. This label is commonly applied by the more rabid BJP supporters to perceived (note the emphasis) Congress supporters and anybody who espouses serious doubts with some of BJP’s more questionable policies and alliance with the Sangh Parivar. The inherent assumption behind its usage, as far as I have been able to determine, is their belief that people indulge in selective secularism, that favors and pities minority communities, but look the other way when Hindus are in dire straits. The problem is, whether or not they are right, opposition of secularism is NOT the solution. For one thing, selective secularism can be blamed on mainstream media as much as if not more than the general public. Secondly, an absence of empathy for one group cannot be used as an excuse to withhold empathy from all; rather, it should be heeded as lesson to instead be free with extending empathy to all. Human suffering is horrific regardless of religion, and is deserving of compassion. Lastly, in terms of addressing selective secularism with respect to benefits offered to one community vs another, this can only be solved by implementation of a true, textbook secular state. Thus, those opposing secularism should logically be its most vociferous supporters, if their grievances are actually what they claim to be, and not mere pettiness.

Lastly, we come to what I feel is arguably the most disturbing label of them all: the Aadarsh Liberal. This one is harder to define than the others. That it is used primarily by those who believe in right wing ideology is unquestionable. Whom it is used upon is another question entirely. My belief is that initially, the target for this label were the dominant left-leaning intellectuals of Indian society, who it may be argued are a product of India’s Fabian Socialist past (I will not get into the debate on leftist and rightist intellectuals here, as I do not have sufficient knowledge of it and it is a vast topic). However, since then I have seen it applied to pretty much anyone who speaks out against centralization of power, against possible inequities in the distribution of the benefits of progress, and against the “development at any cost” doctrine. The assumption behind the usage of this term seems to be the belief that development and social equity are a black-or-white choice; that those supporting social equity are against development and in favor of sops and subsidies. Obviously, this is a highly flawed assumption. I will just put here the definition of liberalism as quoted from Merriam-Webster: “a political philosophy based on belief in progress, the essential goodness of the human race, and the autonomy of the individual and standing for the protection of political and civil liberties; specifically:  such a philosophy that considers government as a crucial instrument for amelioration of social inequities (as those involving race, gender, or class)”. I urge my readers to take a close look at the first line of the definition. Therein lies the absurdity of the assumption behind this label. Liberalism is not a refutation of development. It is a demand for something more, a demand for better effort on part of both the state and the people, and a belief in direct benefit rather than trickle-down benefits. Is it not a worthy goal to strive for? Perhaps the accusers should wish for more liberals in society, to hold development and progress to a higher standard and exact more effort for this from society as a whole. And yet, a lot of the hate I see on various fora are directed against these perceived Aadarsh Liberals.

Social Media & Politics: A poor induction and a sordid legacy

DISCLAIMER: It has been a long time since I have typed out my thoughts, more familiar as I am with verbal debate. The latter offers a comforting fluidity and the ability to spontaneously modify arguments and generate new ideas when facing an intelligent opponent by using their own worthy counters. Apologies on the length of the article, I find it hard to express myself concisely. It may be that my argument may lack coherence – I urge you to ask me in this case, and apologize for it, I’m really out of practice. Criticism and feedback always appreciated. Opinions expressed here are personal, and readers are of course free to agree/disagree. My only request is to keep your opinions civil, as part of my aim in writing this is to expand my own horizons by hearing others’ views.

I was having a conversation with my friend Arushi the other day in which we were discussing the fairly broad spectrum of Indian politics. A point that came up in our arguments, that since has stuck with me, is the power of social media in creating, shaping, or warping public opinion and how this Pandora’s box has been opened at possibly the worst time for India. I am perhaps being alarmist and too harsh on my fellow youth, but hear me out please.

The Arab Spring and the uprisings of Tunisia and Egypt specifically first alerted the world to the potential political weight of social media. More, it proved as THE gateway to bringing the attention of the youth to mainstream politics. In India, we had our own revelations during Anna Hazare’s anti-corruption movement. For the first time in a generation at least, a political movement united vast numbers of youth with manic fervor. This, in a country where if you walk an average uptown market and ask young people the names of prominent political position holders of the country, they are usually clueless (this is me quoting a fairly popular video, I’m sorry I don’t have the link at the moment).

As the movement spun off into the Aam Aadmi Party, and as the focus of both the media and the general populace shifted to the party, they (very intelligently, it must be said) continued to use social media in an extremely effective fashion to further solidify their credibility: they quoted government sources, reports, independent experts, and exposed corruption and inefficiency at many levels. Remember, this was the original party before even the first Delhi elections, back when their agenda was fairly clear and straightforward, and their political ambitions had only begun to evolve. What they later became is another discussion that will be far too large a digression for this article.

It cannot be denied their tactics were successful. Facebook, Whatsapp and Twitter were filled with Kejriwal and his colleagues’ latest exposes, and these were effective. Now I reveal some personal opinion, against which I am sure many voices will be raised, and my only request is that the arguments stay civil and avoid ad hominem attacks, strawmen, tu quoque and the like. So, unfortunately, this power of social media was keenly observed and subsequently used by the BJP as well when campaigning for the 2014 elections began. The reason I use the word “unfortunate” is because of some very key differences in how the BJP used social media and how the anti-corruption movement and the original AAP had done so.

When BJP began its campaign, it used social media to promote its message as it would use any other medium. This one simply allowed it vastly improved reach. The problem lay in the fact that political campaigning in our country starts off in a very benign fashion, but rapidly degrades into a slander-fest. The same happened in this case as well. Originally, it was the BJP’s official handles that started quoting instances of misgoverning by the previous government in an effort to turn public opinion against them. Afterwards, however, the various unofficial handles run by supporters and/or sympathizers turned to these tactics as well. As the wars of opinion began in the comments sections, the posts started becoming more and more virulent and slanderous. “Truths” were dug up and pasted across Facebook about Nehru and Indira Gandhi. “Horrors” committed by the RSS were tossed out in response.

The problem worsened when labelling started permeating the discussions. BJP supporter? Nationalist, bigot, “bhakt”, anti-poor. Congress supporter? Pro-corruption, “Congressi”, “Pappu”, anti-development, “sickular” (I intend to devote a future entry solely on how much I loathe this term). AAP supporter? “AAPtard”, wasted vote (this was 2014, remember), idealist idiot, naïve. The list is virtually unending. I have a fundamental problem with the concept of labelling: it degrades an individual/entity by highlighting only a single view and completely disregarding everything else. Was the UPA an inefficient government? Hell yes, but at the same time UPA-I had very well-established relations with the US thanks to Manmohan Singh’s personal efforts, that allowed the current day BJP to reap the benefits in the form of the civil nuclear power agreement. The National Food Security Act was also their brainchild and did indeed help thousands of people in the country. Is the RSS responsible for heinous acts of violence and bigotry? No doubt, but they are also responsible for a significant amount of charity work, especially when natural disasters strike the country (e.g. Bhuj earthquake, Uttarakhand floods, etc.). Was Modi the mighty terrorist behind the 2002 riots? I cannot say for sure, but let us not so easily dismiss that when he asked for help in maintaining law and order from the neighbor states of Maharashtra and MP, the Congress-led governments there gave him the cold shoulder. Was voting for AAP a wasted vote and naiveté in the extreme? Maybe, but my vote is for me to cast for what I believe in. Since when did that become “wasting” a vote?

You see how the perspective gets distorted here. This is exactly the kind of base libel that started permeating social media, and revealed a characteristic flaw of our generation. As long as the message resonated with our own beliefs (which were themselves at least partially influenced by popular opinion), the post was further shared without any confirmation or fact checking. Because who will take the trouble of doing this? After all, if some noble soul has taken the effort of going into the personal life and history of Nehru and penned down the sordid details so efficiently, then it must be true, right!?

Another thing that came about (or shall I say resurfaced) is the pervasiveness of false dichotomies. Not supporting BJP? You must be an anti-development Congressi then! Voting for BJP? Sanghi terrorist. This phenomenon is related to the previously mentioned point on labelling. Since when did political opinion become so simplistic, especially with parties as diverse as they are in our country? For this one, I squarely blame the BJP’s media wing. BJP was leaps and bounds ahead of the Congress when it came to social media, and consequently this labelling began from their camp. Of course, counters soon came up from the Congress and other parties as well, but to me, it seems quite clear where it started.

The internet promises anonymity, and that is something that has always brought out some of the worst in humanity. Flinging arguments, abuses and personal attacks is always easier when your opponent is just a name on a screen, rather than a living, breathing person. The cognitive load in shouting someone down with abuses is so much lower than refuting an argument by doing research and using facts. Facebook has bred in us this insatiable thirst for maximum likes and maximum shares, and of course, a humorous or caustic one-liner is just so much more eye-catching than a wall of text of facts, figures and sources. It is also easy to refute arguments by using personal attacks, respond to criticism with criticism, and reduce complex arguments to black-and-white loaded questions like “so rather than vote for BJP and development, you would vote for Congress and keep the country poor?” I wish it were that damn simple. Supporting some policies DOES NOT mean that you support EVERYTHING a party stands for, and as a responsible voter it is your DUTY to publicize what you do not stand for, so your elected representatives are able to modify their policies to suit their electorates’ needs (talking ideal world here).

Arushi made a very valid point that this eminence of social media as the dominant forum for political debate, and its subsequent corruption, was inevitable. Perhaps she is right. After all, the tool had been used and was easily available. But by tossing the admittedly sick flavor of Indian politics into it, I believe the BJP’s actions may have forever tarnished its inherent ability to affect real social change and promote inclusion and healthy discussion. If today you are to step forth with differing opinions into the increasingly murky waters of Facebook and Twitter, the best you can hope to receive is derision, and the worst, death threats. When people talk about intolerance these days, I think not of the polarizing communal incidents that have been in the media spotlight, as these have been sadly happening in our country for decades; I think more of the fact that voicing a differing opinion today means inviting a dissection not of your argument, but of your character, your religion, your background, your career, your education (or lack thereof), your family, and damn near anything else that can be used to erode your argument EXCEPT facts themselves. This is the real intolerance in this country: that we as a generation fail to respect the power of social media as a tool NOT for shouting our opinion at those whom we disagree with, but as a tool that collates perspectives from people of vastly differing backgrounds and offers more agreeable solutions to the population at large. My opinions on which side is currently “winning” and why I may express later in a separate post, as this one is already too large.

Why I feel this twisting of social media could not have come at a worse time is because we are a transitive generation. The ones coming after us will be much more immersed in technology than we are, and already it pervades their daily lives even more than ours. After all, the major leaps in social media have only happened in the last decade. Is this really the kind of legacy we want to leave behind for future generations? That the loudest, most aggressive opinion is the right one, and disagreeing with it is foolishness? Culture and political debate are a fluid playing field, and are influenced by the people while influencing them in turn. If all our generations know is the worth of aggression, repetition, and virulence, then I shudder to think what kind of politics this country will see a decade from now. As it is, we have too many Owaisis, Sadhvi Prachis, Kanthapuram AP Aboobacker Musalyars, and Yogi Adityanaths than we need.